Kim Jong Un Guides Emergency Enlarged Meeting of WPK Central Military Commission

Pyongyang, August 21 (KCNA) — The situation of the country is now inching close to the brink of a war due to the continued anti-DPRK political and military provocations by the U.S. imperialists and the south Korean puppet forces.MM00234353MM00234354

The broadcasting for anti-DPRK psychological warfare, resumed by the south Korean puppet military gangsters in all sectors of the front under the pretext of doubtful “mine explosion” case which occurred in the demilitarized zone of the western sector of the front on August 4, is still going on day and night. And the leaflet-scattering operation against the DPRK, kicked off with mobilization of die-hard reactionary organizations, has gone beyond a tolerance limit.


Psychological warfare against the DPRK is, in essence, an open act of war against it.

In this regard, the General Staff of the Korean People’s Army on August 20 sent an ultimatum to the south Korean puppet Ministry of Defense that a strong military action would be launched at once unless it stops the anti-DPRK broadcasting for psychological warfare and removes all psywar means within 48 hours.

Nevertheless, the south Korean puppet military gangsters getting frantic in provoking the DPRK again invented a case of “shell fired by the north” in the afternoon of August 20, Juche 104 (2015) and, under that pretext, fired dozens of shells on the DPRK’s inviolable territory, a reckless military action.

Such reckless political and military provocations on the part of the south Korean puppet military gangsters are driving the country to a war crisis.

Under the prevailing grave situation, an emergency enlarged meeting of the Central Military Commission of the Workers’ Party of Korea (WPK) was convened at night of August 20.

The meeting was presided by Kim Jong Un, first secretary of the WPK, chairman of the WPK Central Military Commission, first chairman of the DPRK National Defence Commission and supreme commander of the KPA.

Present there were members of the WPK Central Military Commission, operations commanding officers of the KPA General Staff, commanders of the KPA frontline large combined units, senior officials of the state security and people’s security organs, leading officials of the WPK Central Committee and officials in charge of external affairs.

The meeting heard a report of the General Reconnaissance Bureau of the General Staff of the KPA on how the enemies committed the military provocation in the central western sectors of the front in the afternoon of Thursday, its truth and their general movements. It examined the preparations for launching operations of the frontline large combined units of the KPA as of 23:00 on Thursday and discussed a plan for the political and military counteractions to foil the enemies’ moves for war. The meeting also examined and ratified the offensive operation plan of the KPA Front Command to launch retaliatory strike and counterattack on the whole length of front all at once under an unavoidable situation.

MM00234349And the Central Military Commission of the WPK approved the decision of the KPA General Staff in which it sent to the south Korean puppet Ministry of Defense an ultimatum on 17:00 on Thursday that the KPA would launch a strong military action unless it stops psychological broadcasting towards the north and dismantle all means for psychological warfare within 48 hours.

At the emergency enlarged meeting of the Central Military Commission of the WPK, Kim Jong Un issued an order of the supreme commander of the Korean People’s Army that the frontline large combined units of the KPA should enter a wartime state to be fully battle ready to launch surprise operations and the area along the front be put in a semi-war state from 17:00 on Friday.

MM00234352Commanders were appointed and dispatched to the relevant sectors of the front to command military actions in the areas to destroy means for psychological warfare unless the enemies stop the psychological broadcasting within 48 hours and put down their possible counter-actions.

The meeting discussed the measures to convert the party and power bodies, working people’s organizations, state security, people’s security and judicial and prosecution organs, factories, enterprises, cooperative farms and other units in the relevant areas into the semi-war system as the semi-war state has been declared in the area along the front.

It also set forth the duties and tasks of officials in charge of external affairs to fully lay bare the truth about the prevailing situation caused by the enemies’ undisguised and surprise aggression.


KOR 001 / 0715 / OBS 060
Detention / Judicial harassment
South Korea
July 22, 2015
The Observatory for the Protection of Human Rights Defenders, a joint programme of the International Federation for Human Rights (FIDH) and the World Organisation Against Torture (OMCT), requests your urgent intervention in the following situation in South Korea.
Description of the situation:
The Observatory has been informed by reliable sources about the detention of Mr. Lae-Goon Park, a standing steering committee member of the Coalition 4.16 on the Sewol Ferry Disaster1 (Coalition 4.16) which demands an independent investigatory commission be set up for the Sewol Ferry incident which happened on April 16, 2014.

According to the information received, on July 17, 2015, Mr. Park was detained by the Seoul Metropolitan Police in relation to his participation in a series of protests2 to commemorate Sewol victims and for calling for an independent and transparent investigation into the Sewol Ferry incident. He is currently detained under a pre-indictment warrant, and is awaiting a possible indictment by the prosecutor’s office, which must be filed within 10 to 20 days following the beginning of his detention.
Police agents have claimed that Mr. Park incited sedition during protests and colluded with other human rights defenders to take violent action against the police. Such acts are punishable under the following Articles of the Criminal Code: Article 185 (“general obstruction of traffic”), Article 144 (“special obstruction of public duty”) and Article 141 (“invalidity of public documents” and “destruction of public goods”). According to Coalition 4.16, no conclusive evidence has been provided for Mr. Park’s involvement in inciting violent acts during the protests. To the contrary, Coalition 4.16 has stated that Mr. Park tried to calm participants during the protests and asked them not to use any violence against authorities.

In addition, since April 2015, six protesters, including Mr. Hyung-Jae Ham3 and Mr. Hyun-Sik Kim4, two staff members from the People’s Committee for the Sewol Tragedy, have been detained and face criminal charges for participating in the Sewol ferry tragedy protests5.

The Observatory calls upon the South Korean authorities to immediately and unconditionally release Messrs. Lae-Goon Park, Hyung-Jae Ham, Hyun-Sik Kim and all peaceful protesters, and to drop all charges against them as these charges are related solely to their peaceful and legitimate human rights activities.

Background information
After the Sewol ferry disaster on April 16, 2014, Sewol families and civil society organizations have continuously urged the Government to set up an independent investigatory commission to reveal the truth regarding the Sewol ferry disaster. The People’s Committee for the Sewol Ferry Tragedy, together with Sewol families, collected more than 3.5 million individual signatures calling for the enactment of a law to establish an independent and transparent investigation commission on the Sewol ferry disaster and submitted these signatures to the National Assembly on July 15, 2014.

After the submission, some Sewol families, individual citizens, and human rights defenders including Mr. Laegoon Park, went on hunger strike, demonstrated overnight in the street, and shaved their heads in protest calling for enactment of a Special Law on Sewol. The Special Law for Seeking Truth of the Sewol Ferry Disaster and Establishing Safer Society (Sewol Special Law) was finally enacted on November 7, 2014.

However, on March 27, 2015, the government announced an enforcement ordinance for the Sewol Special Law which human rights defenders say runs counter to the provisions of the law and risks denying the rights of victims and families to truth and adequate compensation. The members of Coalition 4.16 therefore organised a series of protests to call for the abolishment of the enforcement decree and to commemorate Sewol victims and call for a truly independent and transparent investigation into the tragedy. During the protests in April and May 2015, physical clashes between protesters and police occurred and violence broke out.

Actions requested:
The Observatory urges the authorities of South Korea to:
i. Immediately and unconditionally release Messrs. Lae-Goon Park, Hyung-Jae Ham, Hyun-Sik Kim and all peaceful protesters and put an end to all acts of harassment, including at the judicial level, against them as well as against all human rights defenders in South-Korea;
ii. Guarantee the physical and psychological integrity of Messrs. Lae-Goon Park, Hyung-Jae Ham, Hyun-Sik Kim and all peaceful protesters as well as all human rights defenders in South-Korea;
iii. Conform with the provisions of the Declaration on Human Rights Defenders, adopted on December 9, 1998 by the United Nations General Assembly, in particular:
• its Article 1, which states that “everyone has the right, individually or in association with others, to promote the protection and realization of human rights and fundamental freedoms at the national and international levels” ;
• its Article 5 (a) which states that “everyone has the right, individually and in association with others to meet or assemble peacefully” ; and
• its Article 12 which states that “everyone has the right, individually and in association with others, to participate in peaceful activities against violations of human rights and fundamental freedoms. The State shall take all necessary measures to ensure the protection by the competent authorities of everyone, individually and in association with others, against any violence, threats, retaliation, de facto or de jure adverse discrimination, pressure or any other arbitrary action as a consequence of his or her legitimate exercise of the rights referred to in the present Declaration.”
iv. Ensure in all circumstances respect for human rights and fundamental freedoms in accordance with international human rights standards and international instruments ratified by South Korea.

• Mrs. Park Geun-hye, President of the Republic of Korea, 1 Cheongwadae-ro, Jongno-gu, Seoul 110-820, Republic of Korea, Fax: +82 2770 1690
• Mr. Hwang Kyo-ahn, Prime Minister of the Republic of Korea, 77-6 Sejongno, Jongno-gu, Seoul, Republic of Korea. Fax: + 82-2-720-35 71
• Mr. Kim Hyun-Woong, Minister of Justice, Government Complex-Gwacheon, Jungang-dong1, Gwacheon-si, Kyunggi-do, Tel: 02-2110-3178, Fax: 02-503-7118
• Mr. Yun Byung-se, Minister of Foreign Affairs, Ministry of Foreign Affairs, 60, Sajik-ro 8-gil, Jongno-gu, Seoul, Republic of Korea (110-787) Tel: +82-2-2100-2114, Fax: +82-2-2100-7999
• National Human Rights Commission of Korea, Gumsegi Building, No. 16, Ulgiro 1-ga, Jung-gu, 100-842 Seoul, Republic of Korea. Tel: +82 2 2125 97 00; Fax: +82-2-2125-9718. E-mail:
• H.E. Seokyoung Choi, Permanent Mission of the Republic of Korea to the United Nations, 1 Avenue de l’Ariana, Case Postale 42, 1211 Genève 20, Switzerland, Tel:(41-22) 748-0000, Fax: 748-0003
• H.E. Chong-ghee Ahn, Ambassador of the Republic of Korea to the Kingdom of Belgium, Chaussée de la Hulpe 173-175, 1170 Brussels(Watermael-Boitsfort), Belgium, Tel : + 32 (0)2 675 5777, Fax : + 32 (0)2 675 5221/(0)2 662 2305
Please also write to diplomatic representations of South Korea in your respective countries.
Paris-Geneva, July 22, 2015
Kindly inform us of any action undertaken quoting the code of this appeal in your reply.
The Observatory, a FIDH and OMCT venture, is dedicated to the protection of Human Rights Defenders and aims to offer them concrete support in their time of need.
To contact the Observatory, call the emergency line:
• E-mail:
• Tel and fax FIDH + 33 (0) 1 43 55 25 18 / +33 1 43 55 18 80
• Tel and fax OMCT + 41 (0) 22 809 49 39 / + 41 22 809 49 29
1 After the Sewol ferry tragedy, South Korean civil society organizations established a network of more than 800 NGOs called the “People’s Committee for the Sewol Ferry Tragedy.” This Committee supported the Sewol victims’ families in their pursuit of the truth regarding the Sewol ferry tragedy. After the Special Law for Seeking Truth of the Sewol Ferry Disaster and Establishing Safer Society was enacted at the end of 2014, the Committee was transformed into the “Coalition 4.16 on the Sewol Ferry Disaster (Coalition 4.16)”, which also includes the membership of the Sewol families and individual supporters. The Coalition 4.16 has three standing steering committee members, one from each of these groups, and Mr. Park is one of them. Since then, most activities, including protests, have been organized under the Coalition 4.16’s name to show that families, civil society organisations, and individual supporters are jointly working towards truth regarding the Sewol ferry incident.
2 The protests for which Mr. Park is being detained were held on July 24, 2014, to commemorate the 100 days since the Sewol ferry tragedy; on April 11, 2015, to call for the raising of the Sewol ferry; on April 16, 2015, to commemorate the one year anniversary of the Sewol ferry tragedy; on April 18, 2015, to call for truth regarding the Sewol ferry tragedy; and on May 1 and 2, 2015, as an overnight protest to call for truth-seeking in the Sewol ferry tragedy.
3 On July 14, 2015 the prosecutor’s office indicted Mr. Hyung-Jae Ham under Article 185 of the Criminal Code, for which he faces three years in prison.
4 On 14 July 2015, the prosecutor’s office indicted Mr. Hyun-Sik Kim under Article 185 of the Criminal Code, for which he faces two years in prison.
5 The four other protesters are Mr. Chang-Gun Kim, Mr. Jang-Hee Kwon, Mr. Kwang-Chul Kang and Mr. Gi-Ho Lee. The four deny having used violence during the protests.

WORLD CUP 2014 in the DPRK


DPRK football fans watch World Cup in the square.

Like many other countries, the Korean people are football fans, especially in big tournaments like the World Cup . The DPRK-government bought the rights to broadcast the FIFA football tournament to show it to all the people over the country. In addition to the television in homes, the people could watch the matches together, cheering for the teams in public. The government has built huge screens in public spaces to the joy of the people. Giant screens erected in condominiums and station serve people watching the World Cup.

You may find the original text here, written in Vietnamese (more pictures).

Democratic Front for the Liberation of Palestine message

Pyongyang, December 21 (KCNA) — Kim Jong Un, vice-chairman of the Central Military Commission of the Workers’ Party of Korea, received a message of condolences from Nayef Hawatimah, secretary general of the Palestine Liberation Democratic Front, on Dec. 19.

The message said:

Please accept internationalist regards.

Upon hearing the sad news that Comrade Kim Jong Il, great internationalist leader, passed away to the people’s regret in the middle of his tour for field guidance, I express deep condolences to you and the leadership and people of your country representing the comradely, internationalist and militant solidarity on behalf of me and the leadership and comrades of the Palestine Liberation Democratic Front and the people of Palestine.

We are sharing with you the sorrow of the great loss of Comrade Kim Jong Il.

We are firmly convinced that the able, talented and friendly Korean people will surely overcome grief and move forward.

We extend solidarity to you, the leadership and the glorious party and people of your country, once again expressing our profound condolences to you.

May the martyrs be honored.

Victory is on the people’s side.

THE WORKING CLASS IN REVISIONIST COUNTRIES(Reproduced from the <> daily, dated March 24, 1968)

From the collection

The Party of Labor of Albania in
Battle with Modern Revisionism

Speeches and Articles

TIRANA, 1972

pp. 389-431.

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In all the countries where revisionists are in power, the dictatorship of the proletariat is being smashed and replaced by the dictatorship of the bourgeoisie, the socialist regime is being replaced by the capitalist bourgeois regime and the party of the proletariat, degenerated from within, is now but a smokescreen to conceal this treason, to suppress the vigilance and legitimate revolt of the working class and of laboring people. The vigilance and legitimate violence of the working class against the class enemies is what scares the revisionists to death. It is the only force that can subdue them, it is the only way out from this disastrous situation in which socialism and communism find themselves today in the countries where the revisionists are in power. Thus, the revival and fanning of the flames of the proletarian revolution in these countries is the <> of the road of salvation. No other road, as events have been unfolded and are rolling on, can be of any stable and lasting benefit to the dictatorship of the proletariat and socialism. Any other course can serve only as a posture of compromise, harmful and temporary, with grave consequences for socialism.

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It is only the working class at the head of the masses, it is only the working class headed by its real Marxist-Leninist party, it is only the working class through armed revolution, through violence, that can and must bury the traitorous revisionists.

All the countries where the revisionists are in power, without exception, whether they are the vanguard, such as Yugoslavia, the Soviet Union, Hungary, Czechoslovakia, Poland, etc., or those that, with different masks, conceal and camouflage their revisionist, anti-Marxist line, have turned into capitalist bourgeois countries, or are rapidly going down into this dirty morass.

The main issue on the agenda of the revisionist traitorous cliques that are in power consists only in choosing the most reliable forms to attain the aim of restoring capitalism, of strengthening and stabilizing their positions, without arousing the suspicion and awakening the vigilance of the working class and laboring people in order to avoid any set backs, disturbances and, finally, to be in a position to suppress revolution when it breaks out. This is the essence of the revisionists’ quandary.

The other item on the agenda for them, within the framework of this disintegration, to attain the purpose of restoring capitalism, consists in the efforts of each clique to escape the tutelage of the most powerful, and yet to have its aid in general, particularly when they see their positions are weak. With this is connected the degree of interdependence, while the more powerful among them is seeking to dominate the trends and channel them

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towards the interest of the big State. Of course, such a thing cannot work out successfully for all parties or continually.

Another item on the agenda of these cliques is the tendency and the great care to find different means of camouflaging the diversity of forms of action, which, sometimes, are more advanced and less camouflaged than those of the fellow cliques. These <> serve the capitalist forces which inspire the revisionist cliques to instigate others to speed up the course as much as possible, to break the resistance of those revisionist cliques which, out of necessity, are more conservative because the sword of Damocles — the proletarian revolution — hangs over the heads of them all.

The revisionists are seeking to camouflage all lhe counter-revolutionary actions for the seizure of power and the efforts they are making to consolidate this power, by creating and inculcating into the minds of the working class the illusion that their <> party is allegedly in power, that it is itself directing all this development and transformation along the <>. This is the most dangerous disguise, by which the revisionists are seeking to ward off the decisive blows of the working class. Therefore, they try to tell the working class that every criticism, every revolt or opposition to their revisionist course is an anti-Marxist deviation, is a crime against Leninism, against socialism, against the party of the working class. The revisionists inject this dose of opium through the press and

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their false propaganda. A complete fabrication in itself, they inject it by depriving the party, in theory and practice, of all revolutionary characteristics; they inject it by making an allegedly Marxist interpretation of every political, economic and administrative action of theirs in the direction of the restoration of capitalism. This false interpretation of their foreign policy, of their relations, alliances and their underhand dealings with the capitalists is also necessary to the revisionists in order to lull the vigilance of the working masses of their respective countries.

In all these cunning actions the revisionists set in motion the new corrupted class of bureaucrats who impose upon the working class and the masses through the force of their regime, their length of service, their rotten hearts hidden under rows of medals. Thus they create the impression in the working class that <>.

Let us draw some lessons, some conclusions from this revisionist counter-revolution.

Let us start with Hungary. In the euphoria of the advent to power of Khrushchevite revisionism, but at a moment when it had not yet consolidated its positions, world capitalism, its Titoite agency and the internal Magyar reactionary bourgeoisie launched the armed counter-revolution against the dictatorship of the proletariat and the Workers’ Party of Hungary, thinking it was the weakest link of the chain of the socialist countries. And so it was

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indeed. Rakosi’s party melted away like snow in rain. But world capitalism and Titoism had not chosen the correct moment: they were convinced of Khrushchev’s treacherous line, but they did not take account of the fact that his positions were not yet stabilized and, although he hesitated to resort to tanks, he was finally obliged to do so. Otherwise his road of treason could have been compromised. But in connection with the Hungarian counter-revolution the following facts must be pointed out:

1. The Hungarian counter-revolution was initiated by some intellectuals and students. These wavering strata, deprived of the influence of a genuine Marxist-Leninist party, became reserves and squalds of the counter-revolutionary attack under the direction of the bourgeoisie. The Hungarian writers were in the van of this counter-revolution.

2. The Hungarian working class in general and that of Budapest in particular, despite the revolutionary traditions inherited from the 1919 proletarian revolution, was unable to defend its power and gains. On the contrary, a considerable part of the working class, especially in Budapest, was activated in favour of the counter-revolutionaries. It became therefore a reserve of reaction. This means, in other words, that the work of Rakosi’s party was not well grounded, it was superficial. The working class did not fully recognize it as their leader. This was the greatest and most dangerous evil.

3. The counter-revolution entirely liquidated Rakosi’s party within a few days, while counter-

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revolutionary Janos Kadar promulgated the decree for its official dissolution.

4. During the few days of counter-revolution in Hungary many bourgeois, capitalist and fascist parties immediately sprang up like mushrooms after rain. Thus, the Hungarian counter-revolution was suppressed by means of Soviet tanks, a thing which can no longer be repeated. The same traitor who liquidated the party, under the dictate of the Khrushchevite revisionists, promulgated the other decree for the re-founding of the new allegedly <> party, the Hungarian revisionist party, a still worse one than that of Rakosi.

The Hungarian counter-revolution was suppressed by counter-revolutionaries. Thus, both wings of the putsch were bound to come together, as they did. They would build up their own <>, as they did build it. They would restore capitalism, as they are restoring it. Drawing lesscns from the bloodshed and, after having paid a bloody ransom for its hasty actions, Hungarian reaction is now carrying out at leisure its reforms of radical capitalist transformation independently, and without any trouble from the Soviet forces and tanks which remain on Hungarian territory. The Hungarian bourgeoisie is, so to speak, going about its business, this time under the protection of the Khrushchev tanks. The Hungarian capitalist bourgeoisie, hostile to the working class, disguised under the <>, is lulling the working class to sleep while forging new chains

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for it. The capitalist bourgeoisie has as its vanguard the old and new revisionist intelligentsia in complete identity of views and unity of action.

Let us take Poland. As in Hungary, in Poland, too, in 1956 bloody demonstrations started in Poznan and were suppressed by tanks, this time Polish and not Soviet tanks. The Polish Church and reaction had a hand in it and Khrushchev was afraid of Poland detaching itself completely from the Soviet Union; therefore he threatened Gomulka with a tank invasion but Gomulka resisted and Khrushchev, willy-nilly, smiled and embraced <>, as he used to describe him behind his back.

But now, in recent days, events in Poland are unfolding otherwise. They have taken another as pect which is characteristic of all the revisionist countries. In Poland there have started demonstrations, clashes, bloody encounters between Gomulka’s police and the writers, intelligentsia and students who are demanding <>, <>, <>. This time, the Polish counter-revolutionaries, who have risen against the Gomulka revisionist counter-revolutionaries, greet and express solidarity with the Czechoslovak counter-revolutionaries. The Polish reactionary intelligentsia, directed by world capitalism, by the clergy and by Zionism, are not satisfied with the Gomulka revisionist clique and want to make short work of them, as the new Dubcek Slovak clique are doing with the Novotny revisionist clique who will be referred to below. In Poland, as it was in Hungary,

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the reactionary intelligentsia and the students are in the van of the claims, the party organisation is worm-eaten, the organs of the dictatorship are, for the time being, in the service of lhe Gomulka clique and the working class does not react, it does not come out in the street to do the necessary cleaning. Will the Gomulka clique be able to subdue this tide which is rising? We shall see. But of importance is the last tide which must be prepared to wipe from Poland’s face all the overt and covert traitors. This salutary tide will be the proletarian revolution of the Polish working class led by the Polish Communist Party (Marxist-Leninist).

Let us take Czechoslovakia. The Soviet revisionists used to trumpet abroad that Czechoslovakia was their most powerful bastion, the most faithful country of the revisionists, and Antonin Novotny the most intimate, <> of the revisionist clan next to the Soviets. These claims, too, as we had forecast, come to nothing, not because Novotny and his revisionist clique were not a faithful agency of the Khrushchevites, but because they could not carry out the orders that the Moscow bosses used to give them. As a matter of fact, the dead horse of the Soviets, Antonin Novotny, sank into the revisionist mire which he himself created, while the other horse replacing him, Dubcek, has taken the bit in his teeth and is now bolting towards the western <>, where the gates of the French and West German capitalists are standing open for him as

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they had stood for their old ill-famed agents Masaryk, Benes, Tiso, Hacha and others.

How is the new counter-revolution in Czechoslovakia unfolding? Openly, against Antonin Novotny and his clique, consequently against the Soviet revisionist yoke.

They are openly going over to capitalism, to the system of than one party, to the capitalist State system and the undisguised liquidation of the dictatorship of the proletariat, to the capitalist system in economy, education and culture.

They are openly preaching not only coexistence, but solid ties with the western capitalists. Homage is being paid at the grave of Masaryk, father and son, at the grave of Benes, who are all being noisily rehabilitated, even the fascists, and all of them are being described as <>, victims of the <> and of the erroneous policy not only of the Novotny clique, but also of Gottwald, thus, of the Communist Party of Czechoslovakia and, of course, <>.

In short, Czechoslovakia is going at a rapid tempo and without much subterfuge and demagogy towards capitalism, to the complete political, ideological, economic and State restoration of the capitalist bourgeois republic.

By what means and forms is this process unfolding? The Czechoslovak process should not be taken separately from all the processes which are taking place in the entire revisionist herd. This is the result of the disintegration, of the great con-

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tradictions which exist within the revisionist clan within the different tendencies existing in the clan of each individual revisionist country, of the international contradictions. Thus, the Czechoslovak disintegration and the course it has taken are nothing extraordinary. Nothing should surpriee us. This is quite normal.

So is the overt manner of their actions, and this for two reasons: on the one hand a part of the Czechoslovak people, indeed of the Czechoslovak working class also, are prepared, are predisposed for this <> road, as the revisionists call it. Communism has been for them a mere label, an incident, and the Communist Party of Czechoslovakia, during the whole period from Liberation onward has not only failed to work on solid grounds, but in fact it has made little impression on the nature, the political inclinations, the political and cultural gusto and taste of a part of the people who even under the socialist regime were preserving and developing capitalist bourgeois feelings in accentuated forms.

On the other hand, the new Czechoslovak course towards capitalism proves the further rottenness of the power of Soviet revisionism which, plunged in the morass it has itself created, is no longer able to threaten its opponents either politically or economically or even militarily. It has become a slave of the system and treachery it created. The Soviet revisionists are obliged to give a sickly smile at the calamities which are descending on them. The further Czechoslovak revisionist

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course now enjoys the full support not only of the U.S., French and West-German imperialists, but, of course, of the Titoites, of the <> revisionists and, <>, of the Hungarian revisionists as well. A more or less organized force is taking shape, always within the framework of the disintegration of and <> from the Soviet, Polish and other revisionists who are very much afraid of the spread of the epidemic which has led to the clearing out of the stables and replacing the old revisionist horses with new ones.

The new Czech counter-revolutionaries resort to new and multilateral methods. They attach great importance to the complete taking into their hands of the internal situation, without neglecting the foreign policy. Naturally, for demagogical purposes, they often speak of friendship with the Soviet Union, in order to completely undermine it. Their principal aim is the liquidation of Novotny and of his clique which is pro the Soviet revisionist leadership, and the reduction of the relations with the Soviet Union to mere trade relations. The campaign for the liquidation of Novotny, for his exposure, for compromising him, and, finally, for his removal, was made in a round-about way. In the van of this campaign were the Slovak nationalists and their anti-Czech feelings, the old bourgeois intellectuals and the new revisionist ones as well as the students and hooligans, who came out repeatedly in demonstrations.

The Novotny group and their Kremlin bosses set the police against them but to no avail. Novotny,

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feeling the noose tightening around his neck, called the tanks to Prague, copying the method of Khrushchev who surrounded the Kremlin with tanks and, thus, saved his head. But Novotny could not attain this aim and lost his case, perhaps his head, too.

The Dubcek group, to cover their aims, are resorting to apparently legal forms to purge the Novotny clique. First of all, this group made sure of the army through faithful cadres, framed up the deflection of a certain army general, discredited Novotny, Defence Minister Lomsky, and set in motion the <> party, through petitions, rallies and student demostrations, to demand Novotny’s immediate removal or resignation. The whole of this operation is being very quickly carried out, quietly and without strife, amidst the frantic applause of world capitalism to whose fold a scabby goat has thus returned.

What will the Soviets do? Nothing but to take Novotny for their collection, if he is available, and install him also in a villa near Rakosi’s.

After this purge, in Czechoslovakia they wilI strive to stabilize the situation and march triumphantly towards the West. Nevertheless, the whole situation will not end at that. There will be great frictions and fierce political and economic struggle both on the part of the revisionists as well as on that of the Czechoslovak revolutionaries.

In these two countries, Poland and Czechoslovakia, where the revisionists are in power, the same process of capitalist degeneration is thus taking place, with the same aims, forms and

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methods, but with different fates, with different results. In both countries, the new revisionist cliques which want to speed up the process of the transformation of their countries into completely capitalist countries, are striving to get rid of the Novotny and Gomulka revisionist cliques, these old revisionist cliques.

The anti-Czech and chauvinistic Slovak feelings, the radical transformation of the Czechoslovak economy into a capitalist economy, the radical transformation of the present Czechoslovak structure and super-structure which are favorable to the return to capitalism, the more active, broader economic, cultural and political ties with capitalist States, the anti-Soviet feelings, the weakening of all the ties with the Soviet revisionists — all of these inspire and guide the new Czechoslovak revisionist clique led by Dubcek.

The old clique and the inveterate revisionist Novotny are now isolated, smashed. Everybody leaves the sinking ship and embraces the <>. Thus, the counter-revolution within the counter-revolution fully triumphed in Czechoslovakia.

The Soviet revisionists have lost their political authority completely in Czechoslovakia and their influence has suffered a decline. To be sure, the Soviet revisionists, as far as we know them, must have exerted great pressures to avoid their own disaster in Czechoslovakia, but they have been unable to do anything, and this gives reason to believe that the Dubcek clique are determined to

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advance on their road towards separation. They enjoy the guarantee of the West. The Soviets will exert economic pressures, they will stop supplying the raw materials needed by Czechoslovakia, but it is clear that the Czechoslovaks have also envisaged this eventuality and have taken and will take further measures. The interests of world capitalism are visible in Central Europe and Czechoslovakia is its epicenter.

On the other hand, capitalist Czechoslovakia strengthens the capitalist positions of Tito and Co, helps in the complete transformation of Kadar’s Hungary, with him or without him at its head; it helps the process in Poland.

The whole of this situation which is being created in Central Europe will smash the Warsaw Treaty and the Economic Mutual Aid Council, it will lead to bilateral and multilateral alliances, in an entirely different spirit from that of the existing ones, and the Economic Mutual Aid Council and the economic relations will change. They wilI be suppressed, they will assume new forms leading to amalgamation with the capitalist ones.

This whole capitalist transformation jeopardizes Democratic Germany, and the revisionists will push it, in various forms and ways, towards its integration with Bonn’s Germany. This process is underway. The Soviet revisionists are entirely paralyzed. Economic pressures are the only weapons remaining to them. But these, too, have no effect. Capitalism has great interests in financing those who separate themselves from the Soviet

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Union and turn towards the West. It disposes of capital for investments, it looks for new markets for new colonies and new satellites.

Thus, having not profited much from the allegedly internationalist aid of the Soviet revisionists, the new revisionist capitalists are changing their bus.

This great Soviet defeat is reflected in the embarrassing position in which they find themselves at home. For a long time these separations have been taking place, and the Soviet censorship has not permitted that domestic opinion should learn anything about them. This shows how they fear their own people, the revolutionaries, as welI as the new revisionists, lest the latter, affected by the Czechoslovak disease, may burst forth in the streets against the clique, to overthrow and replace it with another revisionist clique. In this case Kosygin and Brezhnev will act in the same way as the clan of revisionist Gomulka is acting in Poland.

The same process as in Czechoslovakia started also in Poland but, for the time being, with different results. The Gomulka clan temporarily checked this process, not because Gomulka is more intelligent than Novotny, but because the circumstances are somewhat different in Poland, and that is why Gomulka’s tactics are different and may appear <>.

In Czechoslovakia it started with the writers and students, but amongst them there was prevailing, in addition to everything else, the Slovak

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nationalist anti-Czech feeling and the Czech nationalist anti-Slovak feeling. The rest was complementary, except the anti-Soviet and pro-Western feeling which were in common.

The process started in the same way in Poland, with the same tendencies, ideas and aims as in Czechoslovakia. The Gomulka clan also resorted to police violence, as Novotny had done, but had better success. Poland is not made up of twopeo ples, as is the case in Czechoslovakia, therefore that factor which played a role in Czechoslovakia did not serve as an instigator in Poland. Gomulka had to find a scapegoat as an object for violence and he found it in <>. Thus, <>. Gomulka does not mention the Church, because that might increase the danger of the revolt swelling and taking larger proportions. Gomulka is trying to keep the Church out of it and, in fact, the Church dit not step into the arena, although, at other times, it used to make appeals and fiery demonstrations against Gomulka. It seems that they have come to terms until this tide passes away. On the other hand, Gomulka, rabidly anti-Soviet, defends himself at these moments under the shadow of the Soviet revisionists who, in the final analysis, when they realize that they have lost everything in Poland, anyway may even dare to intervene, allegedly to save Poland, allegedly to keep the roads open to come to the <> of East Germany, etc.

Willi Brandt, on his part, at his party’s Con-

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gress, declared that <>. This was an offer to Poland to detach itself from the Soviets, it was allegedly reliance on the people, on Gomulka’s <> policy on the German-Polish borders and, finally, it was an attempt to complete the encirclement of East Germany and to form the <> around the capitalist Soviet Union.

The result of all these circumstances of anti-Judaism, anti-Sovietism, etc., was that the process of capitalism in Poland should continue according to Gomulka. But this is temporary. The problem is still on the agenda.

The Polish revolutionaries, the Communist Party (Marxist-Leninist) of Poland, the people and the working class, have not yet had their say. Gomulka even led part of the working class in demonstrations. This shows how ill-defined the situation is there, how much work must be done by the new Communist Party (Marxist-Leninist) of Poland to lead the working class to real understanding, to class, anti-capitalist, anti-revisionist positions, against Gomulka, against the Roman Catholic Church, against the Zionists.

There are also allegedly neutral countries and parties which are developing the revisionist course towards capitalism in comparatively calm internal situations, without noisy demonstrations, but certainly with accentuated contraditions in the leadership, among the people and in the party, which now appear in unity. This sham unity is the fruit of external fear and, in the first place, of fear of the

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Soviet revisionists who have their own men within the leadership of these parties. But these <> countries and parties are ruled over by cliques of bourgeois intellectuals who rely actively on the anti-Soviet feelings. Therefore, a little differently from the Czechoslovaks, these revisionists lay the stress on foreign policy, on relations with the capitalist states, with Tito’s Yugoslavia, with Dubcek’s Czechoslovakia, to counter-balance the Soviet revisionist danger. In these circumstances these cliques are purging their internal opponents who might endanger them and are making efforts to consolidate their bourgeois regimes which are being established in their countries by liquidating socialism.

Let us now take the Soviet Union. The Khrushchevite degeneration of the Soviet Union, of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union, as far back as in the last years of Nikita Khrushchev’s reign and later in a more accentuated manner, posed great dangers to the Kremlin clique. It not only further deepened the contradictions of this clique with the Soviet people, but it also created a section of new revisionists, opponents of the old revisionist clique, who aim at liquidating and replacing this clique with another of its kind, which would be more liberal and speed up the process of the restoration of capitalism in the Soviet Union. The garbage of the garbages were not satiated and manifested their dissatisfaction and advanced further demands. At their head, here too, were the bourgeoisified intellectuals and writers, the men of revisionist art and culture. Dissipation had deeply

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penetrated into the youth, the students, the hooligans. This was assuming disturbing forms for the clique. Khrushchev himself reacted several times after having felt the danger, not from the fact that they were demanding to head towards capitalism, but because they were demanding to go there without Khrushchev, with others, more by the means of efforts and deeds than by buffoonry and irregular methods.

The clique who succeeded Khrushchev tried to do something better than their boss. They linked themselves more closely and more securely with U.S. imperialism, thus further undermining the party, the socialist economy, increasing the degeneration outside and inside. But all this activity was bound to create difficulties for and tremendous contradictions within the clique itself. The Soviet economy declined, the prestige of the Soviet Union reached its lowest ebb, the <> of the Soviet Union deserted it one after another, the alliances assumed purely capitalist, oppressive, empty and ridiculous forms and content. The resistance to the clique increased from all directions. Not to speak of the international arena, at home the Brezhnev-Kosygin group find themselves in the midst of many fires which are difficult to put out. Revisionist intellectuals, writers, student, have increased their demonstrations of protest and the Kremlin clique are obliged to arrest and jail. Thus, the jails and concentration camps are filled to capacity, not only with revolutionaries but also with young counter-revolutionaries.

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In the Soviet Union the proletarian revolution is, certainly, being organized and on the rise. The clique are afraid of this and they strike back, try to deceive and to neutralize the party of the class and the working class itself as best they can making them believe that it is allegedly their <> party which leads, that <>, and so on. Amongst these illusions we should also include those <> on Stalin which certain career-seeking, degenerate army generals and marshals have started to write with a view to throwing dust in the eyes of the masses and of genuine revolutionaries. But the Bolshevik revolutionaries and the Soviet working class are not to be deceived for long. They are becoming more and more aware that, in reality, power is being wielded by a clique of renegades and their bureaucratic anti-worker administration, that the party has been transformed into a bourgeois party and the dictatorship is a bourgeois dictatorship of the new capitalist class which oppresses the masses and the working class, exploits them economically for the benefit of the new revisionist bourgeoisie, does not allow them for a single moment to demonstrate their power and to demand their rights. The efforts of the revisionists to make the working class apolitical, to remove it from the political scene and to orientate it towards economism, will fail.

Thus, as we see, all these processes have similar features, at present more visible and noisy in

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Czechoslovakia and in Poland, later on in Hungary and elsewhere as well. These processes will further increase the appetite of the revisionist reactionary Soviet intellectuals, and we shall witness clashes not only between them and the ruling clique, but also between the moderate intellectuals and their right wing extremists, between the genuine Marxist Leninist intellectuals and both the ruling clique and the two tendencies we mentioned. And, finally, the Russian Ivan will wake up from his heavy slumber. The Soviet working class, led by the Marxist-Leninist revolutionaries, must come out and will come out in the streets to have their say. They will bang their fist on the table and stage a second proletarian revolution. We are convinced that this will certainly happen, because it is a dialectical process that is bound to take place, the circumstances, the events and their unfolding making the situation ripe to this effect. When will it occur? This is not for us to decide.

Learning from this course of events in revisionist countries, from the tactics, the forms and methods of the struggle waged by the modern revisionists against Marxism-Leninism, against the dictatorship of the proletariat, against the working class, its party and the socialist regime, in addition to what we have analyzed at other times, our Party has derived clear-cut tasks so as never to allow modern revisionism or any other anti-Marxist disease to affect the healthy body and mind of the party and of the dictatorship of the proletariat in our country.

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With regard to revisionist degeneration in certain countries, mention must be made of some typical characteristics common to all the revisionist parties.

The working class, in the first place, and then all the working masses were indeed caught unawares. They did not react immediately and energetically against the treason committed against their great cause, which they had won and consolidated with so much bloodshed and sacrifice. The treacherous elements who usurped power in the party and in the State, not only at the beginning of their subversive activity, when they knew how to hide and organize themselves, but even later, when their attitude and their treacherous actions had become conspicuous, did not meet with any fierce resistance on the part of the working class and its party which, on the contrary, accepted the yoke of the traitors without great objections or, even when they reacted, did it half-heartedly. The party and the working class, in the first place, had lost their vigilance and the intensity of the violence which characterize and must always characterize them in the class struggle, in the struggle against each and every enemy of their class and of socialism.

Why does this happen and what causes this apathy, this withering away of vigilance and of the use of violence taking place not only in communist parties with a short period of revolutionary probation, but also in the oldest and biggest party

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with a long period of revolutionary probation, as is the case with the Bolshevik Party?

In general, there is nothing mysterious about this occurrance, but in this article we will point out some causes which appear to us as the principal and, at the same time, the most dangerous to a Marxist-Leninist party.

Let us consider this question in relation to the Bolshevik Party, the oldest and staunchest revolutionary party, from whose achievements as well as from whose errors we all have learned.

First and above all stands the question of the Party itself. It is here we must look for the shortcomings and errors which so tragically contributed to the emergence of revisionism and the seizure of power on the part of the Khrushchevite traitors in the Soviet Union.

a) Surprising as this may seem, the political and ideological education of the Bolshevik Party was not always carried out at each stage at the intensity and depth required by the circumstances. Such education moreover had weaknesses of form and of method and, sometimes, also of content. Although it was talked about, the integration of theory with actual revolutionary practice was not carried out as much and in the way it should have been done to the whole of its extent, placing politics in the forefront in the direction of the revolutionization of men and women, keeping alive the proletarian revolutionary spirit of the whole party, ensuring the understanding and implementing of the party line by everybody and in everything in

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a revolutionary way. It is true that if it were a question of schools, training courses, forms, means, methods, etc. where one could be educated politically and ideologically, these existed in the Soviet Union. The same thing could be said with regard to the training and education of the cadres. The question isn’t that in the Soviet Union the study of the infallible Marxist-Leninist-Stalinist theory was neglected, but something caused the political and ideological education to be defective. And this lay not only in the forms, the methods and the tempo which, as we said above, meant that the theory was not properly mastered and correctly put into practice. There was also a complex of other things that contributed negatively.

b) The implementation of the norms of the Bolshevik Party or, to put it better, their deep ideological and political understanding and their actual carrying out in a revolutionary way, were not up to the mark. All these norms were correct. They were laid down and established through a titanic struggle by Lenin. They were affirmed, defended and carried out by Stalin. But in actual life, in the process of development in the practice of work and struggle, we see these norms, which at first were properly implemented, later falling into disuse, becoming rustly and, finally, distorted and turned into a sharp and very dangerous weapon in the hands of the enemies of the class and of the party. This was the case with all the revisionist parties. In these parties, they speak loudly of democratic centralism, but that is Leninist no longer. They

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speak of <> criticism and self-criticism, but they are Bolshevik no longer. They speak of party discipline, but it is no longer a Leninist, but a fascist discipline; of proletarian morality, but the morality is bourgeois, anti-proletarian, anti-Marxist; of free expression of opinions in the Party, about everything and everybody, but the expression of thoughts in the party spirit, in the proletarian spirit, in the revisionist countries leads to jail and concentration camps. The same may be said with regard to all the genuine Leninist party norms. Thus, the official norms, irrespective of how they are disguised, are anti-Leninist, they are bourgeois, reactionary, fascist norms. Such a departure from the Leninist norms, which make up the strength of the party as a steel-like vanguard organisation of the proletariat, and the adoption of the revisionist norms, is the greatest evil that can befall a Marxist-Leninist party. It is a terrible weapon degenerating and disintegrating the party, making it depart from its historic role of transforming society. It is a fact that this turning back has been already carried out on this issue in the Communist Party of the Soviet Union and in the other revisionist parties, irrespective of the fact that not all the Soviet communists approve and observe these anti-Leninist norms. It is indisputable that the revisionist norms actually prevail in this party and in other revisionist parties and are disrupting the parties and socialism in these countries.

Now the question arises: had the Marxist-Leni-

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nist policy and ideology been rightly understood and implemented, as we said above, had the Leninist party norms, established in the Bolshevik party by the great classics Lenin and Stalin, been implemented in a correct revolutionary way and at all times, would there have happened what did actually happen? No. That would not have happened. But it did happen for the reasons given above and those we will set out below.

c) The Communist Party, as a vanguard and organized detachment of the working class, must be the leader, the spearpoint; it must preserve, develop and temper the best virtues of the working class, it must be the first to correctly master and implement the ideology of the working class, Marxism-Leninism. It must be vigilant to the extreme and unyielding to the class enemy. And in order to be such, it must possess, understand and carry out the Leninist norms that make it a party of the class, capable of leading the working class and their allies towards their class goal. This is a great unity, not any sort of unity but such as we call a Marxist Leninist unity, a Marxist-Leninist unity within the party, unity of views and action on the basis of the Leninist norms, unity between the grassroots of the party and its leadership, unity within the leadership itself, an iron Marxist-Leninist unity between the party and the working class, a steel like, harmonious party-working class-people unity. And in this unity taken as a whole the fundamental idea, its basis and security is the party-working class unity, is the determined leadership of the

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working class headed by its party inspired, tempered, englightened by its Marxist-Leninist ideology.

This unity is not established either in one day or in one year. It is tempered in the heat of various struggles and dangers with which the class enemy faces them, resorting to all means, objective and subjective, political and ideological, to repression and terror, coercive measures and economic disturbance, open corruption and illegal subversive activity against the working class in general, against their party as an organization, against the party members and State functionaries, the mass organizations in particular.

We shall not dwell at length on these issues, we shall only point out, first, that the preservation of unity and its tempering are not something achieved once and for all and the communists should not rest on their laurels. Second, that unity in the social-democratic manner, unity <>, outside the Marxist-Leninist principles and norms of the party, unity <> the one or the other, allowing the violation of norms and principles, is not our unity. Our unity is not a unity for unity’s sake, contravening principles. Our unity, to the large extent we mentioned, is created through struggle, is tempered through struggle and is preserved through continued and consistent revolutionary struggle. Otherwise there cannot exist Marxist-Leninist unity.

In the Bolshevik party of Lenin and Stalin there did exist unity. Struggle was energetically waged to temper this unity, but it cannot be said

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that perfection had been reached in everything, for that would be a denial of the class struggle, within and outside the country, within the party ranks, that would make us forget the class enemy whose only aim it is to smash the unity, to infiltrate into the organs of the party and of the dictatorship, to riddle them with worms and destroy them, to infiltrate into the consciousness and the worldoutlook of the communists, to demoralize them and cause them to degenerate.

Thus, in the Lenin-Stalin Bolshevik Party — and this is proved by the successes in the building of socialism, in the construction of the first powerful socialist State in the world, — they were advancing on the correct Leninist road. Stalin, at the head of the Bolshevik Party, fought correctly, vigorously, with deep understanding and without committing theoretical and political errors, on the road of the working class, relying on the Leninist Party, on its norms, for the aims of the class and of its party, which were the building of socialism and of communism in the Soviet Union and in the world.

However, the question arises: if this is so, then why did the Bolshevik Party degenerate, after Stalin’s death, into a revisionist party? This is a reasonable question to pose, and in order to be able to answer it, one must discover the objective and subjective reasons. We have already pointed out in other writings that this is as important a question as it is difficult to treat fully and without mistakes, if we do not base ourselves on the documents, espe-

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cially the internal ones, of the Bolshevik Party, documents which we do not possess and can hardly possess, especially in the present situation. But our ideology and the experience of our party and of the other parties can help us to determine some of these reasons. We say some, because there are and must be many more. But even these thoughts may not be complete.

Thus, it turns out that gradually, without being aware of it and relying on the great successes of the realization of the socialist construction, there was created among the party cadres and among those of the socialist State a certain self-complacency and legitimate pride, which made them, inadvertently and without knowing it, turn from their correct forms towards distorted, incorrect inclinations which were basically incompatible with proletarian morality. Marxist ideology and education condemned them in principle and in practice, when they manifested themselves in a flagrant and dangerous way, but in general these trends were developing and were not considered as dangerous. They were interweaving with the party norms and gradually gave the latter also such an anti-Marxist tinge. They intensified later and, interwoven with other non-proletarian customs, promoted the dangerous complex.

The members of the Bolshevik Party, who were led to legendary battles by Lenin and Stalin, were cadres of a class origin and with revolutionary vigor, tempered in revolution, in struggles, in the building of socialism, in battles against

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Trotskyism, against deviators and other traitors. They were ideologically and politically tempered and had a firm and legitimate confidence in their glorious Bolshevik Party, in Lenin and Stalin, in the correct line and norms that they had mapped out.

To them the party was everything, it was their heart, brain and eyes, that is why they defended it, were educated by it and by their great leader. But while trying to carry out the Party’s and Stalin’s correct line and norms, the Soviet cadres, at first not all of them and not in a clear-cut way but gradually, became susceptible to a feeling of stability which is alien, in the revolutionary sense, to development. So long as they held lower level functions, the cadres worked zealously to serve the cause of revolution in the best possible manner strictly implementing the party norms and line, maintaining close connections with the masses and with the working class. But in the long run, when the initial difficulties had been overcome, when the indispensable ideological and political and general education and culture had been acquired, having grown older and having gained seniority in the party, certain people began to be affected by the germ of the evil. Successes at work nourished the feeling of self-complacency and, parallel with these successes, the Soviet cadres began to lose their proletarian simplicity, raised unjust claims, which they considered <>, because these people had worked and fought. With their rise to responsibility there was taking shape in them the feeling

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of ease and complacency and they were ever more infected by bureaucratism, intellectualism and technocratism. Thus, gradually, between the cadres of the Bolshevik Party and Soviet State, on the one hand, and the masses of the Soviet people and working class, on the other, there was created a separation and inequality. Many cadres no longer listened, as they had done previously, to the voice of the masses. Among them the thought began to prevail that they knew everything themselves, that they were specialists in everything, that they stood above the masses, above the working class politically and ideologically and were more farsighted than the latter. The authority and prestige which the Bolshevik Party and Stalin enjoyed among the masses of the Soviet people and in the working class were confounded by these cadres with their personal authority and prestige. All these anti-proletarian features deformed the revolutionary concepts among these cadres. As this also infected the party line and its implementation, the revolutionary norms of the party remained formal, the life of the party itself and its organization as well as the whole Soviet State administration were in the process of becoming sclerotic.

Therefore, the development, the endowment with education and culture of the cadres of the party, of the State and administration is one of the most important problems, but the primary and still greater duty is their political and ideological development and their permanent revolutionization.

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The danger of the bureaucratization of the cadres and of their being imbued with formal education and culture only, can create in them a feeling of superiority and arrogance, causes the features of intellectualism and technocratism to take root in them. The growth of these ideas progressively places them above the masses of the party and the class and thus gradually a situation is created in which one stratum rules over the class and its proletarian party, scleroses the party and its revolutionary norms, makes them lifeless, propagates them without zeal, deprives them of their revolutionary influence and action. Hence develops the separation from the masses and from the control of the working class.

If the party and the working class fails to display their special and constant care for the ideological uplift of the cadres, not only through bookish methods, but through actions in daily and uninterrupted struggle, their rise to leading positions, their educational and cultural unevenness with the great bulk of the party and with that of the working class, the long period of probation in the party or in the state organs, the great disparity in salaries (a dangerous evil this) and the privileges to which they are allegedly entitled as cadres (another dangerous evil) spoil the cadre, incite him to progressively adopt, willy nilly, features which are not of the proletarian class. While such a phenomenon may occur with the cadres of worker origin and conditions, this danger is greater among those coming from the

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peasantry and the intelligentsia. The party of the working class must bring up the cadres in such a way that they may advance and be promoted to posts of responsibility, but they should also rightly understand, when necessary their stepping down from posts of responsibility, and this not only in cases when they do not prove themselves capable and active for the function with which they are charged or for errors in work and in life, but also in cases where they are capable and accomplish their tasks correctly. The cadres should be educated to realize that, even when they are efficient, their departure from responsible functions and their going to work among the working class and the laboring masses is a necessity. It is to the advantage of the cadres themselves and of the party, for the present and in the future.

The three features we mentioned above — bureaucratism, intellectualism and technocratism — caused within the Bolshevik Party and the Soviet State a failure to appreciate the heroic revolutionary spirit of the times. At first this insidious disease did not openly attack the correct party line. The cadres remained faithful to it and to Stalin. They were ready to go through fire for him, because Stalin was a man of the class. With his Marxist-Leninist class clarity, he did not commit errors of principle, politics or in ideology, in economy or in the military field. He faithfully defended everything Leninist. He developed Leninism further.

But in this stagnation which was gradually

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building up, although the Stalinist energy of the party and of the dictatorship of the proletariat was still pushing the work ahead, the party work was becoming strereotyped and inflexible. The norms were being implemented but not with revolutionary vigor. The line was being carried out but not at that revolutionary tempo. Marxism-Leninism was being taught but in such a way that it was unable to purge these dangerous inclinations. Many high party and State cadres, proud of their diplomas, were, so to speak, viewing the situation from above, and especially from the petty-bourgeois feeling of all-round superiority. They had come to believe that this was something natural, that they were superior to the bulk of the party. They were assuming the features of a class above the class and above the party. They considered themselves infallible because they were in the leadership, because they enjoyed seniority, because they possessed knowledge, thinking as if it were they who brought sunshine and rain. All these anti-Marxist viewpoints were developing willy-nilly, under cover of the party norms. These people spoke of democratic centralism, of criticism and self-criticism, of party discipline, of elections from below, but all these things had lost their revolutionary spirit. And what could all this bring about? The gradual separation of the leadership from the bulk of the party and of the party from the working class. Thus, in essence, that Marxist-Leninist unity which we mentioned above was getting weaker. Stalin forged the Leninist unity and fought for it, not-

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withstanding the stagnation. After his death it was proved that in the leadership and in the Bolshevik party this unity was split and the revisionists seized power.

Khrushchev and his traitorous companions had been working even when Stalin was alive, but certainly in a very camouflaged form. After Stalin’s death, profitting by the situation that had been created, they took power. They sought and are seeking to preserve the whole of the negative process and deepen it still more, carrying out the complete transformation toward capitalism and towards the liquidation of the Bolshevik Party of Lenin and Stalin. The attack on Stalin was the attack on Leninism, on Marxism-Leninism, that is why they have made and are making short work of those whom they call Stalinists and, masquarading as Leninists, they are striving every passing day to deepen the process of liquidating the party as a Marxist-Leninist party of the proletariat and to isolate the Soviet working class, to lull it to sleep, to make it amorphous and apolitical, so as to avoid the blows which it may strike at them.

Of course, there are other reasons too, but we think that those we have mentioned caused the working class of the Soviet Union and hundreds of thousands and millions of Soviet party and State cadres to be caught unawares. They thought and are thinking (for they are still not so politically and ideologically minded, and this should not surprise us) that what Khrushchev did was <>. They

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were deceived by the calumnies, by the demagogy and the promises of the traitors, but this will certainly, not last for long. The eyes of the Soviet working class and revolutionaries are being opened and will be better opened and they will again recover the fighting spirit of the revolutionary struggles through which they had been led by Lenin and Stalin. They must come out, arms in hand, in the street, and they will come out, if not today, tomorrow. The situation will ripen. Time works for the proletarian revolution.

This process has occurred also in the other revisionist parties, but still more deeply, for the reason that the parties of the revisionist countries, with the exception of the Polish Party, are parties which have not themselves waged the struggle, have not passed through that furnace, irrespective of their self-advertisement as allegedly old parties which have been through the fight. Their luggage on this issue — and this is the main issue — is very insignificant, not to say, nil.

Moreover, these parties were revived, reorganized, and they seized power thanks to the Soviet army and to the direct aid of the Bolshevik party and of Staiin. This was a vital aid to them, not only to recover materially, but also to create political and ideological cohesion in their fold. But later, in these parties, that is in the Polish, German, Czechoslovak, Hungarian and other parties, an organisational, political, and ideological union was brought about between the communist, socialist and social-democratic parties. Thus, the social-de-

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mocratic germ instead of remaining outside, wormed itself inside the party. The wine was diluted with water. Why should we be surprised that now it has turned into vinegar? While Stalin was alive, the social-democratic parties of Cyrankiewicz, Otto Grotewohl, Fierlinger, were silent, but they kept working inside, corroding, demoralizing, and seizing important positions to the best of their ability.

When Khrushchev came to power, these elements were overjoyed. Later came the separation, and it was a radical one since degeneration had taken deep roots in these parties and in these countries. While Marxist-Leninist Gottwald turned out the armed workers in the streets and made reaction shiver and retreat into their hide-outs, the revisionist Dubcek now has a part of the Czechoslovak working class on his side. This is happening also in Hungary, but not entirely so in Poland, for the Polish working class have more revolutionary traditions to their credit. But the struggle to win over the working class and to arouse them to revolt should be the main objective of every Marxist-Leninist party. There is not and there cannot be proletarian revolution without the working class and without the leadership of the Marxist-Leninist party.

The students and intellectuals must rise up in revolution but be led by the working class and by the Marxist-Leninist party. If the contrary happens, as in the revisionist countries, if they are not placed where they belong in the revolution and if they are not properly educated to take the revo-

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lutionary road they become reserves of counter-revolution. Youth can never undertake and carry out the tasks and the role that history has entrusted to the working class. Everywhere, in everything, the working class and the party of the class must be in the van, in absolute leadership. The peasantry and the various social strata must advance on the road of the working class in alliance with them. They must be brought up with its laws and its ideology, and whoever does not advance on this road and places obstacles under the wheels must be discarded, by persuasion or by violence, as may be necessary.

In the light of all that we have said, we see more clearly the correctness of the Marxist-Leninist road and line pursued by our party at all the stages of its development, even at the most critical moments, and its boundless loyalty towards the ideas and the revolutionary cause of Marx, Engels, Lenin and Stalin. But our party has never lost sight of the fact that no communist party, our own included, is immune from the danger of revisionism. It has always maintained a sharp vigilance against this danger, it has never rested on its laurels. Our Party has ammassed and is elaborating every day a rich experience of how to bar the road to revisionism and to the restoration of capitalism. The measures adopted by the party for the further revolutionization of the whole national life, for the perfecting and the development of socialist relations in production and of the superstructure, for

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purging them of everything alien, are of a decisive and vital importance to the cause of socialism.

It has waged and is waging the class struggle inside and outside the party on a correct Marxist-Leninist basis. Since this struggle is the motive force during the whole period of the transition from capitalism to socialism, the Party has attached first-rate importance to the revolutionary class education of the working people, and especially of the growing generation, in different forms, especially through revolutionary action. It has waged and is waging a principled and consistent struggle against each and every bureaucratic disortion, for the constant deepening of the mass line in all fields, for the uninterrupted improvement of socialist democracy. Above all, special attention has been devoted to the constant revolutionization of the party and its cadres, so that the latter may never detach themselves from the people, may not lose their revolutionary features and spirit, may not become bureaucratic and may not degenerate.

The party has never lost sight of the dialectical action of the different factors, with all their positive and negative influences. It has carried out and continues to carry out in depth all-round measures of revolutionization, of education, of work and struggle on all the fronts giving rise to a number of problems, great and small, but all of them important and closely interwoven, especially on the front of the class ideological education and of the class struggle. Thus, it has continued and continues the struggle frontally, without interruption, always

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mounting, always learning from the successes and shortcomings, so that the shortcomings may not be repeated and the successes may not intoxicate and lull it to sleep. Our party and people are advancing on this correct Marxist-Leninist road with firm confidence in the upbuilding of socialism and communism.

Under the present-day conditions, when the revisionist cliques are completely liquidating all the victories of socialism in their respective countries, the working class of these countries must clearly understand that the revisionist party in power is no longer a party of the proletariat, but a weapon in the hands of treacherous leaders in tending to restore capitalism, to deceive the masses. Today there is no longer room for illusions, hesitations and procrastination. The working class of the revisionist countries is now faced with the historic necessity of taking its place again on the battlefield, of launching a ruthless and thoroughly consistent struggle to overthrow and smash the treacherous cliques, to carry out once more the proletarian revolution, to restore the dictatorship of the proletariat. This requires absolute determination, courage, sacrifices and a renewal of the revolutionary spirit and traditions of the times of Lenin and Stalin. This requires, in the first place and above all, the organisation of the genuine revolutionaries into new Marxist-Leninist parties, which should mobilize, organize and lead to victory the general uprising of the proletariat and of the other laboring masses.

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At these important moments for the destinies of revolution, none of the Marxist-Leninists and the world proletariat can remain silent and idle in the face of what is happening in the revisionist countries. Proletarian internationalism demands that all the revolutionaries raise their voices and wage a principled struggle through to the end for the destruction of the revisionist cliques in power and give all support to the working class and to the peoples that are today under the revisionist rule, to overthrow these treacherous cliques and to raise again the banner of revolution and socialism.

People-centred Socialist Korea

September 9 this year marks the 63rd anniversary of the founding of the Democratic People’s Republic of Korea.
On September 9, 1948 President Kim Il Sung founded the DPRK, the first people’s country in the 5 000 year long history of the Korean nation.
“The people are my God” was the lifelong motto of the President. With this slogan he was always among the people, sharing weal and woe with the people and devoting his all to the people.
He regarded himself as a subject of the people and the people as his king. It was his noble outlook on the people.
That’s why he put the people on the top place and provided the best things to them.
One day in March 1970 President Kim Il Sung was looking round Sariwon City, showing the ways how to solve the different problems arising in building the city magnificently as a satellite of Pyongyang City.
He stopped in front of the Provincial People’s Committee building and asked what the building under construction on the opposite side was for.
Learning that it was a three-storied public building, he asked again why they were going to make it so small.
Actually, there had been an opinion to build a high-rise building there. But the opinion was opposed by another opinion that a high-rise building there would overshadow the four-storied building of the Provincial People’s Committee, a power organ.
At this the President laughed aloud and told them to build a high-rise apartment house there.
He went on to say that the Provincial People’s Committee building might be overshadowed, but it doesn’t matter if a power organ is overshadowed by dwelling houses of the people.
Looking around all parts of the city, he reached Lake Kyongam, the best scenic spot in the city.
The area of three lakes, big and small, at the foot of Kyongam Hill had already been built up as a park for working people to pass their time pleasantly.
The officials of the city were then planning to build a deluxe hotel there for future national events and foreign tourists.
President Kim Il Sung, however, disapproved the plan, saying if such a building is placed there, the working people would not use the park freely.
The moment officials were reminded of what had happened some years before.
In the way of going towards Pongsan, the President happened to pass Sariwon City. Suddenly he had his car stopped by the canal in the middle of the city.
Pointing at a high building at the foot of Kyongam Hill, he asked what it was.
Answered it was a provincial institution building, he got very angry and said: An institution building should not be placed on the scenic hill. In the past bureaucrats liked to lord it over the people in the office building built on such a hill, but we should not do so. We would rather make facilities for the people on the scenic high hill.
The officials now deeply regretted having caused worry to him again.
After a while, the President, looking at the officials, said: You should always give priority to the interests of the people. You should not do anything the people dislike. This must be the constant principle in city construction.
He also taught that Sariwon should form a city around the scenic Kyongam Hill, making pleasure grounds for the people in the scenic spots around Lake Kyongam and building public facilities on all other good places for the people.
The officials drew up a new urban construction plan and started the project again.
In June that year the President visited Sariwon City again.
He reached the construction site of a ten-storied apartment house just opposite to the Provincial People’s Committee building and pointed out with satisfaction that the high-rise building makes the city proportioned well.
That day he looked around the construction sites of the Hall of Culture and many other facilities for a long time and spoke highly of the officials for their efforts to place the public facilities for the people on good sites.
The President earnestly taught that in all undertakings, construction or production, they should first think of whether the people like or not and do what the people like, but not do what the people dislike.
It was one of the criteria he had taken for the starting point of all his thinking and activity.
The criterion produced the unique ideas and theories on nation building centered on the masses of people and made Korea a people-centered socialist country in which the people are the masters of everything and all things serve the people.
That’s why the Korean people still respect him as father of socialist Korea and eternal President of the Republic.
Such a history of nation-building guided by the conception of believing in the people as God is being invariably carried forward by leader Kim Jong Il today.
Leader Kim Jong Il gives priority to the interests of the people in all undertakings and leads all things to serve the people. The Korean people now find the image of President Kim Il Sung in leader Kim Jong Il who devotes his all for the welfare of the people.
Thanks to leader Kim Jong Il the DPRK will further develop as a thriving socialism in which the ideal of the people comes into reality


[Main Points]

What is the Songun-based revolutionary leadership?

“Our Party’s Songun-based revolutionary leadership, Songun-based politics, is a revolutionary mode of leadership and socialist mode of politics that gives top priority to military affairs, and defends the country, the revolution and socialism and dynamically pushes ahead with overall socialist construction by dint of the revolutionary mettle and combat capabilities of the People’s Army.”

The essential characteristic of Songun politics

“The essential characteristic of Songun politics is that it safeguards the security of the country and defends the revolutionary gains by developing the People’s Army into invincible revolutionary armed forces, and that it builds up the driving force of the revolution and deals with all affairs of socialist construction in a revolutionary and militant way with the People’s Army as the hard core and main force.”

The basis and starting point of the Party’s Songun politics

“The idea and line of giving importance to force of arms and military affairs, advanced and consistently maintained by President Kim Il Sung, constitute the basis and starting point of our Party’s Songun politics.”

What kind of line the Songun revolutionary line is?

“The Songun revolutionary line, Songun politics, is a scientific revolutionary line and mode of statesmanship that most accurately reflect the demands of the times and the revolution.

Our Party started pursuing Songun politics on the basis of its scientific analysis of the international circumstances of our revolution and of the rapidly changing situation.

Entering the 1990s, socialism collapsed in the former Soviet Union and the Eastern European countries, giving rise to a great change in the world political structure and balance of forces. Although the imperialists’ mouthpieces and opportunists claimed that a new era of “detente and peace” had arrived following the “end of the Cold War,” the world can never exist in peace so long as imperialism remains rampant. By taking advantage of the collapse of the global socialist system, the reactionary imperialist forces intensified their offensive against the anti-imperialist independent forces; in particular, the US imperialists, who had emerged as the only superpower in the world, were more tenacious than ever in the pursuit of their policy of aggression and war, in an attempt to realize their ambition of world supremacy, wielding the power of authority and arbitrariness in the international arena and violently encroaching upon the sovereignty of other countries.

Due to their anti-DPRK isolate-and-stifle schemes, the Korean revolution came to face the severest trials and hardships of its history; we had to bear the full brunt of the offensive of the imperialist aggressive forces, in direct confrontation with the US imperialists.”

Problem of the main force of the revolution and the originality of Songun politics

“The Songun politics of our Party is a unique socialist mode of politics that gives a new scientific clarification and solution to the issue of the main force of the revolution.

On the basis of its deep analysis of the development of the times and the changed social and class relations, our Party put forward, for the first time in the history of the revolutionary movement, the idea of “precedence of the army over the working class,” giving prominence to the People’s Army as the core unit and main force of the revolution.

The originality of Songun politics and its invincibility lie in the fact that it gives prominence to the People’s Army as the core unit and main force.

The preceding revolutionary theories of Marxism viewed the working class as the main force of the revolution. Having analysed the social and class relations in the Western capitalist countries in the mid-19th century, Marx identified the working class as the most advanced and revolutionary class entrusted with the mission of liquidating the domination of capital and all sorts of exploitation, and building socialism and communism, and defined it as the leading class and, the main force of the revolution.

This was the reflection of the reality of capitalist society in those times.

Later, socialist revolutions emerged victorious in several countries of the world, and socialist construction got under way, with the working class as the main force. As a result, it had been recognized as an unbreakable revolutionary formula in carrying out the cause of socialism to conduct the revolutionary struggle and construction work with the working class as the core and the main force.

However, Marx’s theories and formulas, which had been set forth one and a half centuries before, cannot accord with the present reality. The times have advanced further, witnessing a great change in social atmosphere, class relations and the status of the working class. With the development of capitalism, especially with the rapid development of science, and technology and the arrival of the IT age, the living basis of the working class has been changed and work is being done on a more technological and intellectual basis. The ranks of the working class have been intellectualized and the working masses engaged in technical, intellectual and mental labour are quickly outnumbering manual workers. Moreover, the development of capitalism consolidates the domination of monopoly capital and adds to the prevalence of reactionary bourgeois ideology and culture, which greatly acts to control the class consciousness, awakening and revolutionary assimilation of the working class. The working class of the present times cannot be identified with the working class in the period of industrial capitalism or proletarian revolution, in the fight of either the situation of the times or the actual reality of the labour, social status and labour movement of the working class. The changed situation and the reality require a new ideology and theory, strategy and tactics with which to awaken and rally the broad sections of the masses who oppose the domination of monopoly capital and the aggression and war policy of imperialism, train hard-core elements among them and expand and strengthen the revolutionary forces.

The limitations of Marxist revolutionary theories were also manifested in a socialist society where the working masses, including the working class, have become the masters of the State and society. The preceding theories based on the materialistic conception of history considered that the revolution is completed once the working class seizes power and establishes socialist relations of production.

For this reason, they failed to make a correct clarification of the law-governed course of socialist construction subsequent to victory in revolution; in particular, they failed to raise the issue of remoulding man, the ideological revolution, in a socialist society.

For the first time in history, President Kim Il Sung advanced the outstanding idea that the course of building socialism and communism is, in view of the class relations, the process of modelling the whole society on the working-class pattern and gave scientific explanations of the role of the working class, the development of class relations and the law governing the remoulding of man in a socialist society.

Thanks to his original theory on building socialism and under his wise leadership, the working class and other working masses have been transformed into socialist workers in our country and they all work and live basing themselves on the collectivist principle under the socialist system. Our Party has firmly equipped the masses of the people with the Juche idea and upgraded the process of transforming the whole of society on the revolutionary and working-class patterns by giving definite precedence to the remoulding of man, the ideological work, in the socialist cause. Thus it has brought about a radical change in the socio-economic lives and politico-ideological traits of our people.

The Korean people are revolutionary and boundlessly faithful to the Party and the revolution since they have been educated and trained in a revolutionary way in the embrace of the socialist motherland under the guidance of the Party and the leader.

These days the masses of the people, who are solidly united behind the Party and the leader with one mind and will, constitute a powerful driving force of socialist construction in our society.

Needless to say, class differences still remain between the working class and the cooperative farmers, and the revolutionary and working-class assimilation of intellectuals cannot be said to have been completed. The working class is as advanced a unit of our society as ever, and has a higher sense of class consciousness, collectivism and revolution than other working masses. Furthermore, it is still in charge of industry, the leading sector of the national economy; especially the workers in the key industries and munitions industry play a very important role in the revolution and construction. That is why our Party treasures the working class and always pays deep concern to further revolutionizing it and enhancing its role.

Applying Songun politics, our Party has given prominence to the People’s Army over the working class, prompted by a new viewpoint and attitude towards the issue of the main force of the revolution and the role of a revolutionary army in the revolution and construction.

The question of the main force of the revolution is one of the fundamental problems in strengthening the motive force of the revolution and in developing the revolutionary movement by enhancing its role. Which class, stratum or social collective becomes the main force of the revolution is decided by its position and role in the revolution and construction, its sense of revolution, organizational discipline, and combat capabilities.

The question of the main force of the revolution cannot remain invariable in any era, society or revolution, nor is it a question that can be solved only on the basis of class relations. Hence, regarding the working class as the main force of the revolution anytime and anywhere is an expression of a dogmatic viewpoint toward the preceding theories and is not correct in principle either.

Unfettered by any established theories or formulas, our Party strictly rejected any expression of dogmatic attitude to and revisionist distortion of the preceding theories, and strengthened the army and upgraded its role as required by the development of the situation and the revolution, thus leading the revolution and construction to victory.

For our Party to give prominence to the People’s Army as the main force of the revolution is essential to the accomplishment of the revolutionary cause of Juche, in view of the position and role of the People’s Army in our revolution at present and in the light of its revolutionary mettle and combat efficiency.

The People’s Army is the revolutionary ranks that defend the first lifeline of our revolution. It defends the Party and the revolution, the country and the people by force of arms and at the cost of life in direct confrontation with the strong imperialist enemy. On the bayonets of the People’s Army hinge peace, socialism and worthwhile and happy life of our people.

This is the noble mission and the heaviest yet most honourable revolutionary task of the People’s Army, for which neither the working class nor any other social group can substitute.

The People’s Army is the most revolutionary, militant and powerful revolutionary group in our society. No group is equal to the People’s Army in terms of the sense of revolution and organization and combat efficiency.

Our People’s Army is unfailingly loyal to the Party and the revolution and very strong in ideology and faith, and it is the most organized combat unit. It defends the Party and the leader and carries out the Party’s policies at all costs, and fights to the death for the cause of the Party, the cause of socialism. The men and officers of the People’s Army, who defend the country and the revolution by force of arms in the van, love their country more dearly than anyone else, are eager to defend socialism and fight uncompromisingly against imperialism and the class enemy with intense hatred. The People’s Army is a revolutionary unit that brims over with revolutionary faith, iron will and militant spirit. It is stronger than any other collective in the sense of collectivism, organization, discipline and unity.

The entire army is single-heartedly united behind its Supreme Commander, and moves as one under his command and directive; it arranges all of its soldiers’ routine life and activities as required by military rules and discipline.

The collectivist principle and organization and discipline have become the lifeblood and requirements of the routine life of the People’s Army.

The high sense of revolution and organization of the People’s Army is reflective of the characteristics of the armed unit and the mettle unique to the revolutionary army, and constitutes a basic factor of upgrading the combat efficiency of our army and improving its politico-ideological might.

It is not that any army that takes part in the revolution or any socialist army acquires the traits and qualities befitting a revolutionary army and, moreover, can become the main force of the revolution. The working class or the army can become a revolutionary class or revolutionary armed forces and play an important role in the revolution only when it is awakened and organized under the leadership of a revolutionary party. Apart from the correct leadership of the party and the leader, it is impossible to train any hardcore unit of the revolution or to awaken and rally the broad sections of the masses around the revolutionary ranks.

Our People’s Army has grown up into genuine revolutionary armed forces, an invincible army to perform its honourable mission and duty with credit as the hardcore unit and main force of the revolution, thanks to the leadership of President Kim Il Sung and the great Workers’ Party.

President Kim Il Sung built our People’s Army into a prototype of a revolutionary army and laid eternal foundations for its development by thoroughly applying the principles and ways he had put forward for the building of Juche-type revolutionary armed forces. He built the People’s Army into an army of the Party and the leader, a genuine army of the people, and developed it as an armed unit of ideology and faith, possessed of all the politico-ideological traits required of a revolutionary army. Under his wise leadership an independent and modern munitions industry was created and so developed as to serve as the material and technical foundations for the modernization of the entire army. The imperishable exploit he performed for the building of the armed forces is the most valuable of his revolutionary achievements and it is now proving its worth as the solid foundation and priceless asset for our Party to further strengthen the People’s Army and pursue Songun politics.”

The Songun politics and the Juche idea

“The Songun politics of our Party is the most powerful and dignified politics of independence which embodies the Juche idea.

Independence is the life and soul of a social being, the masses of the people, a country and a nation. The man-centred Juche idea is an idea of independence, and all revolutionary struggles are ones for independence. The Juche idea correctly combines love for the masses of the people with that for the country and the nation, and the independence of the masses of the people with that of the country and the nation, and scientifically elucidates the ways for its realization.

The politics that defends and realizes the independence of the masses of the people, the country and the nation on the basis of the fundamentals and principles of the Juche idea is the most revolutionary and scientific politics, and it also constitutes genuine politics of love for the country, the nation and the people.”

The validity, superiority and great vitality of Songun politics

“Our Party’s Songun idea, Songun politics, has proved its validity, superiority and great vitality, and is demonstrating them all the more with each passing day in the practice and reality of our revolution.

First of all, the military position of our revolution has been fortified impregnably under the Party’s Songun-based leadership.

The military might of the country constitutes the foremost rational power in the struggle for independence and socialism and against imperialism. If one defeats the enemy on the military front one will emerge victorious on all other fronts.

Our People’s Army has grown up to be invincible revolutionary armed forces, and our socialist motherland has emerged as a military power in the international arena. We have won one victory after another in the fierce political and military showdown with the imperialists, and defended the country, the revolution and socialism from all manner of aggressive machinations of the enemy.

Our revolutionary ranks have been united more solidly than ever and the single-hearted unity of our whole society has been further strengthened in the Songun era.

Today the People’s Army and the people have forged a genuine comradely relationship whereby they share weal and woe on the road of Songun-based revolution under the leadership of the Party, and the whole society is brimming over with the beautiful trait of unity between the army and the people.

The great viability of Songun politics has been confirmed in the process of socialist construction.

As the main force of the revolution, the People’s Army stands in the van in all spheres of socialist construction and has been performing labour feats, setting a shining example. The officers and men of the People’s Army have erected numerous monumental edifices and modern factories through their heroic struggle in full support of the Party’s idea and policies, and made breakthroughs in the difficult yet important sectors of the national economy. They were the first to overcome manifold hardships and trials and created miracles and brought about innovations in all spheres, thus inspiring the working masses throughout the country to a revolutionary upsurge.

Our Party’s Songun politics has registered a turning-point in the cause of national reunification, furthered the international solidarity with our revolution and radically expanded the external relations of the country.

Songun politics, which is imbued with the principle of national independence and the spirit of love for the country and the people, our policies for national reunification based on it and our positive efforts gave rise to the historic Pyongyang summit, followed by the adoption of the June 15 North-South Joint Declaration, and the further development of inter-Korean relations of reconciliation and cooperation in several sectors. The trend of struggle against the US and other foreign forces and for independent national reunification is mounting to a crescendo on an unprecedented scale in south Korea .

Songun politics, which opposes imperialist aggression and war policies and defends the independence of the country and the nation, is winning broad support among public circles and the progressive peoples of the world. It gives a blow to the aggressive forces of imperialism and encouragement to the anti-imperialist independent forces in the international arena, stimulating the cause of making the whole world independent.”

Korean people’s task in the course of the implementation of Songun politics

“The whole Party, the entire army and all the people must advance more resolutely towards a new great victory of our revolution in support of the Party’s Songun-based leadership.

First of all, great efforts should be directed continually at strengthening the People’s Army. The might of Songun politics is precisely the might of the People’s Army; its superiority and might can be given full play only when the People’s Army is soundly prepared politically and ideologically, militarily and technically.

The politico-ideological and military positions of our .revolution must be fortified rock-solid by firming up single-hearted unity of the army and the people. There is nothing to fear or impossible to do when the army and the people fight with single-hearted unity under the Party’s leadership. The tradition of army-people unity-both treasuring and loving each other and sharing weal and woe-should be given farther play in the Songun era.

It is important to establish a sound habit of attaching importance to military affairs throughout society.

The work of consolidating the defence capabilities of the country is an undertaking shared by the entire Party, the whole country and all the people.

Our officials and working masses must organize and conduct all work on the principle of giving precedence to military affairs, and make energetic efforts to build up the military might of the country, in addition, the paramilitary forces must be strengthened and the whole country turned into a solid fortress.

It is imperative to expedite overall economic construction while giving precedence to the defence industry, as required by the Songun era, so as to support the Party’s Songun politics both materially and technologically, and radically improve the people’s living standards in a short period of time